The Ruminative Responses Scale (RRS) is a 22-item self-report measure of rumination in adults aged 18 and over, for use by psychologists and mental health clinicians. Rumination is a way of responding to low mood that involves repetitively and passively thinking about the causes, meanings, and consequences of distress rather than taking action to address it. The RRS asks respondents how frequently they engage in these ruminative responses when they feel down, sad, or depressed.
NovoPsych administers the full 22-item measure and reports both the original total score and the two subscales derived by Treynor et al. (2003), Brooding and Reflection, which distinguish a passive, self-critical form of rumination from a more deliberate, analytic one.
The Ruminative Responses Scale (RRS), originally developed by Nolen-Hoeksema and Morrow (1991), is a 22-item self-report measure of rumination in adults aged 18 and over. Rumination is a way of responding to low mood that involves repetitively and passively thinking about the causes, meanings, and consequences of distress rather than taking action to address it. The RRS asks respondents how frequently they engage in these ruminative responses when they feel down, sad, or depressed.
The RRS yields a total score and two subscales that distinguish a passive, self-critical form of rumination from a more deliberate, analytic one. The two subscales were derived by Treynor et al. (2003) to address a limitation of the original scale. Because several RRS items overlap in content with symptoms of depression, the authors set those items aside and examined the remaining ten, which were grouped into the Brooding and Reflection subscales.
The resulting 10-item Brooding and Reflection subscales have been widely adopted in subsequent research, whereas NovoPsych administers the original 22-item RRS and reports both the original total score and the Treynor-derived subscale scores. The remaining 12 items (not included in the subscales) assess rumination focused on depressive symptoms themselves and contribute only to the total score.
Rumination is one of the most well-established psychological processes that maintain and worsen depression. When people respond to low mood by repeatedly dwelling on how they feel, their symptoms, and the possible causes and consequences of their distress, rather than engaging in more adaptive coping strategies, that low mood tends to deepen and last longer. This happens because rumination amplifies the effect of negative mood on thinking, interferes with problem-solving, and can wear down social support. Prospective studies have shown that individuals who ruminate tend to experience more severe and longer-lasting depressive symptoms over time, supporting rumination as an important maintaining process in depression (Nolen-Hoeksema and Morrow, 1991; Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999). Rumination also helps explain why women experience depression more often than men, as women tend to ruminate more (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999). Although it is studied most in depression, rumination is also implicated in anxiety and post-traumatic stress, which makes it a useful process to measure and track across a range of presentations.
The RRS is among the most widely used measures of rumination in clinical research and practice. It is used in clinical settings wherever rumination is a suspected maintaining process, most prominently in depression. It is commonly used alongside rumination-focused cognitive behavioural therapy and metacognitive approaches, in which rumination is a primary treatment target.
In practice, the RRS can support several clinical tasks.
The measure’s most distinctive clinical contribution is the distinction between Brooding and Reflection. Brooding is the component most strongly associated with current and future depressive symptoms (Treynor et al., 2003). Reflection was originally found to accompany low mood in the short term while being linked to less depression over time, though later research suggests it is not reliably adaptive and may itself become unhelpful when it becomes repetitive or difficult to disengage from (Tang et al., 2021; Townshend and Hajhashemi, 2025). Considering the relative elevation of the two subscales can therefore help inform case formulation and guide treatment planning.
The RRS can be scored two ways. The original approach sums all 22 items into a single total score. A later approach (Treynor et al., 2003) scores only 10 of those items as two subscales. NovoPsych administers the full 22-item measure and reports both, so a completed RRS produces three scores, a 22-item Total Score plus the subscale scores. The remaining 12 items count toward the Total Score only.
The RRS Total Score is the sum of all items and ranges from 22 to 88, with higher scores indicating more frequent rumination. The 10-item scoring approach yields two subscales:
Average Scores. The report also displays the average score for the total score and each subscale, calculated by dividing the score by its number of items (the total by 22, each subscale by 5). This puts every scale on a common 1 to 4 range that matches the four response options, and the frequency descriptor is applied to this average.
The report applies a frequency descriptor to the RRS average score for the total score and each subscale to aid interpretation. The RRS has no established clinical cut-offs; these descriptors are not validated thresholds. NovoPsych created them from the scale’s response anchors, which ask how frequently the respondent thinks or does each ruminative response (almost never, sometimes, often, almost always), so each descriptor indicates how frequently the respondent ruminates on average, not how severe or clinically significant that rumination is.
The four frequency descriptors, and the average score ranges they cover, are set out below:
Looking at the balance between the Brooding and Reflection subscale scores, rather than either score alone, can indicate which form of rumination is more prominent for a client. When Brooding is the more elevated subscale, the client’s rumination is likely characterised more by passive negative comparison, the component most strongly associated with the persistence and worsening of depressive symptoms, and this may support considering rumination itself as a treatment target. When Reflection is the more elevated subscale score, the client’s inward focus has a more deliberate, problem-solving character. Reflection is less consistently tied to poor outcomes than Brooding, but an elevated score should not be assumed protective, as reflection is not reliably adaptive and has been linked to poorer outcomes in some clinical samples.
Reflection is best used as a pattern indicator rather than a severity score, and four points follow from that. First, the comparison between Brooding and Reflection carries the clinical signal, not either score by itself: a client high on Brooding with little Reflection is dwelling passively and self-critically, whereas a client high on both is working hard to analyse a low mood without that effort paying off, which points towards approaches targeting the process of rumination rather than its content. Second, a high Reflection score should not be treated as credit against a high Brooding score; in people who are currently depressed, reflection often functions much as brooding does, so it does not offset it. Third, Reflection describes how a client is likely to engage with rumination-focused work rather than how unwell they are: someone scoring highly is already turning the problem over analytically, so the task is usually to redirect that effort rather than to encourage more of it. Fourth, when tracking change across administrations, a fall in Brooding is the outcome to look for; a fall in Reflection is not in itself good news, and is best read alongside the Brooding trajectory.
Reviewing the most highly endorsed RRS items, particularly on the Brooding subscale, can help identify the specific ruminative content a client returns to, which can inform therapeutic treatment.
The report is arranged in two blocks. The first carries the total score: its results table, its own graph, and a note on what the total contains. The subscales then begin on a new page with their own results table and a graph displaying Brooding and Reflection together, so the two can be read against each other. The total is kept separate because it is based on all 22 items, including the 12 that are not part of either subscale.
Every graph plots the average score and labels all four frequency descriptor bands, which are shaded as a graded scale from the lowest band (unshaded) to the highest. On the Total and Brooding graphs the bands are shaded so that stronger shading marks a higher frequency of rumination and greater clinical concern; on Reflection those bands take a neutral shading that marks how frequently the respondent reflects without implying that a higher score is necessarily of more clinical concern.
On a single administration, the RRS scores are shown as bar charts, and across repeated administrations they are displayed as line charts plotting change over time. Change in RRS scores is described in plain descriptive terms rather than as a statistically meaningful change score, because the RRS has no established threshold for reliable or clinically meaningful change. Rumination scores in untreated community samples reduce modestly on re-administration (Treynor et al., 2003), so small decreases are best read as part of a trajectory across several administrations rather than as treatment effects in themselves.
The RRS began as the 22-item ruminative responses subscale of the Response Styles Questionnaire (RSQ), developed by Nolen-Hoeksema and Morrow (1991) to measure the ruminative response style described in Response Styles Theory (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1991). The theory proposes that people who respond to sad or depressed mood by ruminating experience more severe and longer-lasting depressive symptoms than people who respond by distracting themselves or taking action.
The RRS subscale structure was established by Treynor et al. (2003) in a secondary analysis of data from a randomly selected community sample of adults in the United States interviewed twice over one year (N = 1,328 at the first interview; 1,130 provided data at both waves; Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999).
To address concerns that some RRS items overlap in content with depressive symptoms, the authors excluded 12 symptom-related items and subjected the remaining 10 to principal components analysis. This revealed two five-item components, Brooding and Reflection, together accounting for 50.5 percent of the variance (Treynor et al., 2003). It is worth being explicit that the total score and the subscales therefore rest on slightly different measurement logics: the 22-item total is the classic, content-broad index and correlates with depression partly through shared item content, whereas Brooding and Reflection were constructed specifically to strip that overlap out. In this sample, the average Brooding score was 9.40 (SD = 2.96) and the average Reflection score was 9.83 (SD = 3.11) at the first interview. Although the present profile describes the original 22-item RRS, the Brooding and Reflection subscales derived from this analysis have become the most commonly used scoring approach in subsequent research.
Internal consistency in the community sample first reported by Nolen-Hoeksema et al. (1999) and reanalysed by Treynor et al. (2003) (N = 1,130) was strong for the 22-item RRS total score (α = .90) and acceptable for the five-item subscales (Brooding α = .77; Reflection α = .72). Across a one-year interval, test-retest correlations were .67 for the total score, .62 for Brooding, and .60 for Reflection, consistent with rumination behaving as a relatively stable response style that nonetheless shifts over time.
The RRS’s two-factor Brooding and Reflection structure is well supported. In the largest test to date, a confirmatory factor analysis of pooled data from 4,205 university students supported the two-factor model over a single-factor alternative, with one error covariance between two similarly worded Reflection items (robust CFI = .951, RMSEA = .065; Whisman et al., 2020). The same study demonstrated configural, metric, and scalar measurement invariance across gender, indicating that Brooding and Reflection scores carry the same meaning for women and men and can be meaningfully compared.
At the level of all 22 items, exploratory analyses show a broad general rumination factor with a distinct Reflection component (Treynor et al., 2003); the Brooding and Reflection subscales are defined within the refined 10-item subset.
The 22-item RRS total score correlated .48 with concurrent depressive symptoms on the short-form Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) and .38 with depressive symptoms one year later (Treynor et al., 2003). The two subscales (Brooding and Reflection) relate to depression differently, and this differential pattern is the core of the measure’s validity evidence. Brooding correlated .44 with concurrent depressive symptoms and predicted greater depression one year later after controlling for baseline symptoms; Reflection correlated .12 concurrently, and its zero-order correlation with depression one year later was also positive (.08); a negative coefficient emerged only in a multivariate model, which the authors noted may reflect statistical suppression (Treynor et al., 2003). Brooding was also more strongly associated than Reflection with a lower sense of mastery (r = -.26) and higher chronic strain (r = .20).
As predicted by Response Styles Theory, women scored modestly higher than men on both subscales (d = .16 to .22; Treynor et al., 2003), and Brooding, but not Reflection, statistically mediated the gender difference in depressive symptoms. Latent-mean comparisons under scalar invariance confirmed small but significant gender differences in the same direction (Whisman et al., 2020).
Community data for the RRS-22 does exist (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999). That sample was administered the RRS via face-to-face interview rather than self-report, was recruited in the 1990s from three Californian cities in three narrow age bands that exclude adults aged 18–24, 36–44 and 56–64, and produced no scores above 76 of a possible 88. Percentiles derived from it would imply a reference comparison that does not hold for the people completing the RRS via self-report in NovoPsych, particularly at the high end of the scale. As such, NovoPsych does not calculate RRS percentiles.
Both involve turning attention inward when feeling low, but they differ in how that attention is used. Brooding is the passive form of rumination: a moody dwelling on what is wrong and why life is not as it should be, replaying the problem without moving toward a resolution. It predicts more severe and longer-lasting depressive symptoms and is the component most worth targeting in treatment.
Reflection is the more purposeful form: a deliberate attempt to analyse and understand low mood. It often accompanies sadness in the moment. Reflection is less consistently linked to poor outcomes than brooding, but it should not be read as protective, because it is not reliably adaptive and in people who are currently depressed it can function much like brooding. Because the two respond differently to intervention, knowing which pattern dominates helps a clinician decide whether rumination itself should be a treatment target.
Rumination can amplify the effects of low mood on thinking, making negative memories and interpretations more accessible, while crowding out the problem-solving and activity that would normally lift mood. It can also strain relationships, as repeatedly going over the same concerns wears on social support. In this way, a response style that feels like an attempt to understand sadness can end up prolonging and deepening it, which is why rumination is considered a maintaining process across several conditions, not only depression (e.g., anxiety, self-harm, alcohol use).
Not necessarily. Thinking about problems becomes unhelpful when it is repetitive, passive, and focused on distress itself rather than on what can be done. The RRS captures this distinction: reflective analysis of low mood can be a constructive part of processing it, whereas brooding over how things should be different, without moving toward action, is the pattern linked to worsening mood. A useful marker is whether the thinking leads anywhere, such as a decision, a plan, or a changed perspective, or whether it circles back to the same painful comparisons.
When brooding is reported at a high frequency, treatment might target the ruminative habit directly, for example through rumination-focused cognitive behavioural therapy, metacognitive strategies, or behavioural activation that interrupts unproductive dwelling. When Reflection is the higher subscale score (and Brooding is not elevated), the inward focus already has a problem-solving character, and therapy can build on it while watching that analysis does not slide into brooding. The most highly endorsed individual items show the specific thoughts a client returns to, which can become concrete material for cognitive work.
Rumination is a response style rather than a passing state, and the RRS instructions reflect this by asking respondents what they generally do when feeling down rather than how they felt on a particular day. Scores therefore tend to shift gradually rather than session to session. Research has also found that scores tend to drift down slightly on repetition even without treatment, so a single small decrease should be read cautiously and not interpreted necessarily as significant change. Typically, the clearest signal of meaningful change in RRS scores across time is a consistent trajectory across several administrations, particularly on the Brooding subscale, alongside the client’s own account of spending less time stuck in repetitive negative thinking.
Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Morrow, J. (1991). A prospective study of depression and posttraumatic stress symptoms after a natural disaster: The 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 61(1), 115–121. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.61.1.115
The Brooding and Reflection subscales were derived by Treynor, Gonzalez and Nolen-Hoeksema (2003).
Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (1991). Responses to depression and their effects on the duration of depressive episodes. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 100(4), 569–582. https://doi.org/10.1037/0021-843X.100.4.569
Nolen-Hoeksema, S., Larson, J., & Grayson, C. (1999). Explaining the gender difference in depressive symptoms. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77(5), 1061–1072. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.77.5.1061
Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Morrow, J. (1991). A prospective study of depression and posttraumatic stress symptoms after a natural disaster: The 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 61(1), 115–121. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.61.1.115
Tang, H., Xiong, T., Shi, J., et al. (2021). Global and reflective rumination are related to suicide attempts among patients experiencing major depressive episodes. BMC Psychiatry, 21, 117. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-021-03119-z
Townshend, K., & Hajhashemi, K. (2025). Ruminative Response Scale (RRS). In Handbook of Assessment in Mindfulness Research (pp. 1893–1908). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-47219-0_84
Treynor, W., Gonzalez, R., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2003). Rumination reconsidered: A psychometric analysis. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 27(3), 247–259. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1023910315561
Whisman, M. A., Miranda, R., Fresco, D. M., Heimberg, R. G., Jeglic, E. L., & Weinstock, L. M. (2020). Measurement invariance of the Ruminative Responses Scale across gender. Assessment, 27(3), 508–517. https://doi.org/10.1177/1073191118774131